Population: 588,068 (Capital Suva 70,000)

Main industries: Sugar and tourism

GNP per head: US$2,180

Fiji Trade Union Congress has 35 affiliated unions with 42,000 members

Population: 366,000 (Capital Honiara 35,000)

Main industries: 90% of population depend on subsistence agriculture. Main exports copra, fish, timber

GNP per head: US$800 per head

There are 14 registered unions in the Solomon Islands

The Fiji coup is the latest in a wave of unrest engulfing the Pacific Islands. From the Solomon Islands to PNG to Vanuatu and Fiji corrupt local elites and foreign multinational corporations face growing opposition from the masses. At this early stage the anger is being expressed in a rise of separatism and ethnic conflict. It is the task of socialists to understand the national question in the region and fight for the class questions to predominate. In this special feature, the Voice analyses the crisis in Fiji and the Solomon Islands.

Trade unions and progressive Fijians both from Indian and indigenous backgrounds condemned the coup. The Fijian Trade Union Congress called a general strike against the coup on May 22nd and it received the moral support of the ACTU. George Speight is a corrupt businessman and his rich backers (including some Indian business people) opposed the limited reforms initiated by Chaudhry's Labour Party dominated government. The President of the Fiji-Australia Business Council supported the coup and blamed Chaudhry for "damaging investor confidence".

The deposed government removed VAT (GST) from flour, cooking oil, powdered milk and tea. Public enterprises were told to rehire staff and contracting out was curtailed. Chaudhry (an ex-union leader) did enough to enrage the ruling class but left them with the power both militarily and economically to undermine and overthrow his administration. He came to Australia in April to lobby the federal government to abandon its plans to end the Import Credit Scheme, which was a handout to Australian bosses to export textiles to Fiji before importing the finished product duty free. It's loss cost Fiji 8,000 workers' jobs. But this coup was more than just a right wing conspiracy against a moderately reformist Labour government. There was an intertwining of both class and national questions. The Indian population (43%) dominate the main Fijian industry of sugar production. They rent land from indigenous Fijian landowners on long-term leases. Indigenous Fijians have recovered from epidemics introduced by colonialism to reach 51% of population; a figure growing as more and more Indians flee the country.

Indians originally came to Fiji to work on the canefields in 1879 and now predominate (but are not exclusive to) small businesses and are a significant section of big business. However the political ruling elite has been historically controlled by a traditional indigenous Fijian elite with a base amongst the Fijian rural population.

In the cities there is a multi-racial working class with a relatively well organised trade union movement and, since 1985, its own Labour Party. This party's support base is from workers from both sides in the urban areas, as well as Indian sugar cane farmers in Western Fiji. The old indigenous Fijian elite and sections of business backed Sitiveni Rabuka's military coup of 1987 against the coalition government of Labour and the right-wing Indian party, NFP. They didn't want a class-based party with a reformist programme upsetting the division of labour in power that had existed for years. This arrangement had done nothing for workers and the movement of Fijian and Indian workers into unions and the Labour Party was undermining ethnic division in favour of class solidarity.

The Rabuka government undertook big attacks against workers and state spending. In 1991 it abolished the minimum wage, deregistered some unions and restricted strike action. The coal miners strike against sackings and poor pay and working conditions went on for most of the 1990s. The big unsolved question in Fiji is land. This is the basis of the racial division. Many of the long-term leases under which the Indians toil the cane fields are coming to an end in the next few years. The Fijian landowners want these fruitful resources back. The Indians want to stay. Racist right-wing Fijian organisations whip up these tensions and to a lesser degree the Fijian elite and the Council of Chiefs (a relic of British rule) does the same. A genuine socialist government would bring the country's resources into public ownership and on this basis launch a socialist economic plan of production. As unemployment fell, the fear of destitution that drives the fight over land would gradually diminish. All the moderate Chaudhry government offered was $22,000 compensation packages for Indian farmers. This move only worsened the tension, as Fijian farmers complained they were not receiving any government help to run their farms.

It is weakness of a socialist alternative for the workers and poor farmers of both sides that allow nationalists to drive wedges amongst the people. The building of such an alternative is the historic task ahead. The ruling elite doesn't want Chaudhry back, but there are not yet so desperate that they feel the need to rely on the half-mad Speight. The Council of Chiefs will probably move to offer an amnesty to the coup forces, sidetrack Chaudhry and introduce a Fijian Prime Minister. This will only enrage the Indian population and deepen the divisions. The mass migration of Indians to New Zealand and Australia can be expected. Since the 1987 coup Indian migration has seen Fiji lose 700 teachers, 66% of its lawyers, 50% of its doctors and 25% of the civil servants. The future is essentially a race against time. Will the national divisions destroy Fiji before the socialist and class issues get a chance to develop and predominate?

The Solomon Islands were the venue for a battle between the imperialist giants of Japan and the US during World War Two. The battle of Guadalcanal (the main island of the Solomons) swung the Pacific war in the direction of the US.

Imperialism left little else behind bar this legacy. 90% of population depend of subsistence agriculture, in particular coconuts and fishing. All the puny ruling elite can offer imperialism is fishing and forestry licenses. This opens up the ruling class to corruption by foreign governments and multinational companies. In 1991 the economy had collapsed to the degree that the Council of Trade Unions threatened mass strike action if the Prime Minister of the day didn't resign.

In the absence of any other way out, land ownership is key for survival. With a growing population it is inevitable that tribal tensions will ensue. Many natives of the second largest and most populated island, Malaita, have settled and farmed on Guadalcanal. Last year the tensions between Malaitans and Guadalcanal locals turned violent. A Guadalcanal militia-the Isatatbu Freedom Movement-began killing Malaitan settlers resulting in 10,000 people fleeing the island. In response Malaitan militants formed the Malaita Eagle Force. This group raided a police station on Malaita, stole weapons, and moved to Guadalcanal to take on the IFM. What little foreign investment that remains (mainly an Australian-owned mine) is likely to go soon. The government is pressurising Australia and New Zealand for military help. So far 10 unarmed policemen have been donated. The Solomon Island government in desperation sought military help from Cuba, and Castro has said yes.

The government hopes the threat of Cuban aid will see the US kick Canberra and Wellington into line and tell them to "look after" their backyard. In the world division of imperialist labour, the Pacific is the domain of the mini-imperialist powers of Australia and New Zealand. As an aside, the offer of help exposes the opportunism of the Castro administration. It is not a principled socialist measure to militarily assist a right wing government to ethnically cleanse the main island in their country. A socialist Australia would offer massive assistance to the Solomon Islands and write off its debts. It is the task of the local trade unions and Solomon Islands Labour Party to build support for a socialist alternative to the corrupt, right wing and tribal-based politics that currently dominate.

By Jacqui Amarni

In what has become a turning point in trade unionism, workers' leaders in both NSW and Victoria have drawn a line in the sand of the industrial landscape.

Three of the country's top union leaders have defended the right of their members to organise, strike or picket. This has resulted in charges of contempt of Court that could see the individuals facing fines and/or prison.

As we go to press two of these leaders had fines of $20,000 each handed down by the courts. They are Craig Johnston, the undeclared Victorian State Secretary of Australian Manufacturing Workers Union (AMWU) and Dean Mighell, Victorian State Secretary of the Electrial Trades Union (ETU). The contempt charges were laid against Johnston and Mighell after defying court orders prohibiting them from go ahead with a union meeting of members from several unions. A third official from the Australian Workers Union escaped fines for the same charges after apologising to the courts.

Arising from the contempt charges laid during the David Holdings dispute two years ago NSW National Union of Workers (NUW) State Secretary Frank Belan and the National Office of that union are also facing heavy fines. Despite the threat of a prison sentence Belan refused to apologise at the sentencing hearing. In show of weakness the NUW National Office apologised to the Judge for their contempt. At this time the Court has reserved it's decision on sentencing until further notice.

Not surprisingly the ACTU has remained silent. Whilst the media have run rampant in attacking the credibility of the three, the ACTU's silence is deafening. While the ACTU continues to ignore the plight of the individuals they also ignore the effect their sentencing, be it fines or gaol, may have on the entire movement. Despite the rhetoric of the new leadership's claim of a return to grassroots trade unionism it appears through their lack of action they have not learnt the lessons of the past.

Not since the Clarry O'Shea gaoling in 1969 has any leader been prepared to sit in prison to defend the rights of workers to organise. O'Shea's sentencing forced union leaders to organise mass protests for his release. The lessons of the O'Shea case need to be heeded in order to prepare members for action if Johnston, Mighell, Belan or any unionist should be gaoled.

A lack of leadership from the ACTU should not prevent a well-organised defence. Johnston, Mighell and Belan must once again show a lead and join forces against the Courts decision. A combined and well-organised defence would send shivers down the spines of big business as well as sending the bosses a clear message that workers will not tolerate attacks on their organisations and elected leaders. A tripartied pact could be the beginning of a more militant alternative to the ACTU leadership.

Fresh accounts of violence by TNI soldiers in Aceh over the last month make a mockery of the Indonesian Governments' pledge for a commitment to peace in the region.

Wahid is attempting to appease the Achenese people with a trial of 24 TNI soldiers accused of the massacre of Islamic school teacher Tengku Bantaqiah, and 57 of his followers in West Aceh last year. The trial has been criticised for leaving military officials who probably gave the orders off the hook. Wahid is looking for a solution to the issue of Achenese independence. Since 1989 1000s of Achenese have been tortured and killed, actions justified under the TNI counter-insurgency program which aims to crush the Free Aceh movement. However, as TNI repression continues, local support for the rebel movement grows. There have been 300 deaths so far this year. Further strengthening the conviction of the Acehnese is the Independence of East Timor. This victory over the Javenese state gives hope to independence movements across the Archepelago.

However the Jakarta based Government cannot afford to lose Aceh, the province is rich in Oil and mineral reserves accounting for 15% of Indonesia's exports. Desperate to water down the situation, Indonesian Government organised the signing of a truce with the rebels. Although with President Wahid's position of no autonomy, it is difficult to see what solution could be found.

Due to the economic stakes involved, the struggle for self determination in Aceh is likely to present the greatest threat to the Indonesian threat. However it is certainly not the only one. National liberation movements are gaining strength in every corner of the Archipelago. The nation of Indonesia which was unified under Sukarno, appears to be in serious risk of falling apart at the seams

On a world scale such events show that it is no longer possible for the western First World countries to hold the global capitalist system together. The capitalist plan for the 3rd world is breaking up as international financial institutions like the World Bank and the IMF further tighten their belts. Events like Fiji's political crisis, along with continuing violence in the Solomon Islands, demonstrate that such uprisings are not simply isolated to Indonesia. The approach taken by the left in answering the demand of self determination will be crucial in filling the political vacuum left by the breakdown of colonial rule.

Marxism demonstrates that the only way to liberate the Acehnese people from oppression is through socialist revolution and the following establishment of a socialist Aceh that would be part of a federation of socialist states across the Archepelago. However the establishment of a independent Acehnese state is an Unfinished task of the Bourgeois revolution. Presently both the Bourgeoisie and Working class in Aceh are oppressed by the Javanese state, they will remain united in struggle until independence is gained. The left must show its support for the independence of Aceh on the terms of the Acehnese liberation movement. The working class will only come to socialist conclusions once their own national Islamic bourgeoisie is given the freedom to control the state of Aceh and subsequently, expose themselves as oppressors.

This national question is crucial to the development of socialism in Indonesia and has already exposed Bourgeois leaders such as Megawati Sukarnoputri, who refused to support the independence of East Timor. As Indonesia slides further into violent unrest the question of self determination will be become more urgent. The left must give its support to these movements and through doing so, provide an alternative to religious fundamentalism which currently dominates these conflicts. Without this support, religious wars such as that seen in presently in Kalimantan and Ambon will intensify and spread through out the region. Such developments would be a serious set back for socialism in the region.