NEW CAMPAIGN FOR WOMEN PRISONERS' RIGHTS
By Robynne Irvine and Jim O'Connor
In Victoria 7 recently released women prisoners died in the 10 weeks prior to Christmas day. The Victorian Deaths in Custody Watch Committee has reported that one woman died in October, four in November and two in December-one on Christmas Day. All but one of these deaths was heroin related. These deaths have highlighted the harsh regime at the Metropolitan Women's Correctional Centre, located in a bleak industrial part of Deer Park, a Melbourne suburb.
This is a private prison operated by Corrections Corporation of Australia which is 50% owned by Corrections Corporation of America. Prisoners are paid between $2.50 to $4.50 per day for their labour. There are virtually none of the vital support or education services offered either pre-release or post-release.
Housing, health, employment and financial assistance are major barriers facing women leaving prison. Many leave prison with no place to go, no money, no food and little clothing. They have difficulties regaining custody of theit children and contacting their families. Most women prisoners come from backgrounds of extreme social and economic disadvantage, unemployment, and minimal education. They have often suffered from sexual, physical and mental abuse. In prison they experience further powerlessness, deprivation, brutality and assaults. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that many on release resort to the escape of heroin.
The announcement by the State government that methadone will be made available to prisoners is a worthwhile reform which may reduce some of the harm from use of heroin smuggled into prisons and the sharing of syringes in prisons. The pressure brought to bear on the government by community activists no doubt played a role in this decision. An Action Committee has been formed to address the needs of women to prevent further deaths. The Committee meets fortnightly and meetings are well attended.
They are held at the Darebin Community Legal Centre, 80 High Street Northcote. The next meetings will be held at 6.30 pm on March 16th and the 30th.
Contact Vivianne on (03) 9470 5058 or Catherine on (03) 9317 7818 or write to PO Box 1467, Collingwood 3066
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EAST TIMOR: UN MISSION FAILS TO DELIVER
By Kevan Myers
The initial wave of euphoria that greeted the arrival of UN sanctioned peacekeepers following the militia rampage throughout East Timor has begun to ebb. Unlike many on the Left, the Socialist Party (formerly the Militant Socialist Organisation) argued that neither the UN or the Australian Army should be trusted to deliver peace. We said then that the primary role of the UN force was to maintain control over the development of East Timor so as to best protect its resources for the exploitation byworld capitalism. The East Timorese after 24 years of struggle now find themselves in a disastrous economic position. East Timor's GDP per capita in 1996 was a mere $680 and 30% lived below the poverty line. The post election situation is worse. The World Bank reported in November that militia and Indonesian troops had destroyed virtually every piece of equipment and infrastructure in the modern sector. The traditional agriculture sector was severely disrupted with the World Bank estimating a GDP fall of up to 45% in 1999. 80% of the population have no means of support and yet prices have doubled. A two-tier economy is developing with those able to trade with the UN military and aid workers beginning to outstrip the majority of society. Australian troops for example were receiving over $150 a day which obviously has an effect on both prices and the distribution of already scarce resources. Already a number of 'hotels" have been closed down for alleged prostitution and there has been a rise in petty crime, a direct result of the economic impoverishment.
A riot at the Dili markets in January between different gangs of youth, allegedly began due to criminal activity, was ended through military intervention by INTERFET troops. The UN police force, Civpol, have been issued extendable batons and up to 200 ex-Indonesian police of East Timorese descent are being employed to assist Civpol. There is a general belief that unless the economic situation improves rapidly East Timor will again disintegrate into lawlessness. In January 7,000 turned up to interviews for 2,000 UN funded positions. The UN only had 10 people conducting interviews. By 11.30am, after thousands had waited since dawn, the centre had to be closed causing a near riot which was quelled by baton-wielding Australian troops. (The Weekend Australian 29-1-00). Whilst such jobs offer a ray of hope the World Bank has suggested that the East Timorese public service should only be half the 28,000 employed in 1999 under Indonesian rule in order to reduce costs. The sort of incident in which the UN forces come face to face with ordinary East Timorese is likely to increase as desperation turns to anger. There have been reports of both FALINTIL (The East Timorese national liberation army) and UDT (The right-wing opposition to Fretlin in 1975) recruitment to 'security' units in response to the inability of the UN forces to maintain civil order. The potential for these units to develop into warring factions is very real. Already gangs of youth within Dili have fought each other in an attempt to gain dominance.
The fact that FALINTIL after fighting the Indonesian Army for 24 years are assigned an essentially passive role in the current situation is likely to increase tensions. The UN can not solve the underlying divisions in East Timorese society based as it is on 24 years of brutal military rule from Jakarta. This can only be achieved when the East Timorese gain control of their own resources on the basis of nationalising the means of production under the democratic control of the workers and peasants, taking control of industry and distribution, and giving land to the peasants. The UN mission has set a target for full independence in three years time. In the meantime the CRNT (National Council for Timor Resistance) mainly has a consultative role whilst key decisions are still effectively being made by the UN military wing. The East Timorese are paying a price for the way liberation from direct Indonesian rule was achieved. Under pressure from public opinion especially in Portugal and Australia the Western powers and the IMF forced a change in policy from Jakarta and we saw a military withdrawal. Indonesian troops were replaced immediately by mainly Australian troops. It was different to Cuba in 1959, where a peasant-based army won power militarily with all the authority that created for the new Castro government. Side-by-side with the fact that the West doesn't have to worry about the presence of the Soviet bloc, these developments allowed a new imperialist take-over of East Timor dressed up as a liberating force.
The very existence of the Soviet Union, which balanced the power of the biggest capitalist nation the USA, gave a breathing space for the newly emerging independent nations. The collapse of the Soviet Union has seen a more strident USA, and its loyal allies like Australia. Alongside this there has also been a loss of confidence in any alternative to capitalism within the independence movements. Whereas in the past FRETLIN had a socialist current, the leadership now sees no alternative to following the bidding of international capitalism. Nevertheless the UN is delaying democratic elections. With the electoral rolls already gathered for the UN independence vote, which took place under exceptionally difficult conditions, elections could easily take place thus allowing the East Timorese the right to elect their own government after more than two decades of occupation. The real reason for the delay is that the UN acts on behalf of international capitalism. For example at the behest of the World Bank, East Timor will begin to use the US dollar as its currency.
This is because the World Bank believes trade will be easier in US dollars. Originally the East Timorese leadership had considered using the ex-colonial power Portugal's currency. The issue for the "International community" in essence the UN, World Bank and IMF, is that they do not trust the East Timorese to elect a government which will provide a stable base for capitalism. This is despite the fact that leaders such as Xanana Gusmao and Jose Ramos Horta have said they wish to create a capitalist economy. The strategists of international capitalism clearly remember that Fidel Castro, one of the people admired by Ramos Horta as a spokesman for the developing world, originally set out to create a nation based on the USA. However the pressure of the Cuban masses and the collapse of the capitalist economy forced Castro to go much further and take the commanding heights of the economy into public hands. The fact that the Cuban regime is now encouraging capitalist development. does not reduce the fear that an independent East Timorese leadership, under pressure from the masses desperate for a decent standard of living, might be forced to take measures deemed unacceptable to the capitalist powers.
Capitalist solutions at best will provide a few crumbs for the developing middle class but for the vast majority there is little hope. The tensions between East Timorese of different ethnic backgrounds will flourish under those conditions. The Socialist Party understands that the only way to bring peace and prosperity is through socialist policies.
War and revolutions have always been the biggest testing ground for socialists. To give some examples, in 1914 only a handful of socialists stood firm and opposed the slaughter of World War One. In the Spanish Civil War International Brigades of workers from many countries including Australia fought Franco's fascist army but in the Gulf War, following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, most Marxists opposed the war.
On what basis should socialists decide whether to support armed conflict? The first point is to ask in whose interests is this war being fought. Does it improve the position of the working class or the capitalist class? This may sound easy but the propaganda put out to support a war is often appealing to so-called humanitarianism. In the Gulf war the UN claimed to be defending Kuwaiti national rights against the dictator Saddam in Bagdad. Yet the intervention of UN forces into the region strengthened the position of capitalism. The particular focus in this case was control of the oilfields.
In general Marxists support the right of self determination of oppressed nationalities. However although supporting the right to take up arms we would oppose the methods of individual terrorism. For example the suicide bombing tactic of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka tends to harden Sinhala nationalism and thereby delays the possibility of liberation.
In Ireland the IRA bombings over the past twenty five years did not bring a united Ireland closer but assisted Protestant politicians in maintaining the religious division of the working class. It is also necessary to understand that no struggle is ever won by force of arms alone. In Vietnam the might of the USA could not defeat the resistance of the Viet Cong and this military reality coupled with growing and massive anti-war demonstrations in the US led to a humiliating withdrawal. Marxists see war as an extension of politics. A war is not a reason to stop political activity and rally to the cause of 'your' country, but is a crucial period for raising political demands. During the Second World War the fore-runners of the Socialist Party joined the fight against Hitler, but linked this to the demand to overthrow British and German capitalism as the only way to bring lasting peace. If war is viewed as politics by other means then Socialists have to orientate themselves in the same way as they would in other struggles. What is in the interests of the working class as a whole? Should support be given to the military defenders of the capitalist class ie NATO or the Australian army? We would say no, NATO and the Australian Army is in the last analysis the ultimate weapon of the capitalists. It would therefore be sowing false and dangerous illusions to argue that they can be trusted to play a progressive role.
Many national liberation movements have made the mistake of dealing with imperialism only to be deserted at a later stage. The only people who can be relied upon to fight for the interests of the working class and the oppressed minorities are themselves and their brothers and sisters internationally.
When Australian troops entered East Timor it wasn't because John Howard 'saw the light', but rather it was partly an attempt to extend Australian imperialist interests in the region and gain greater influence over the oil wealth of East Timor. It was also at attempt to prevent the growing 'instability' both in East Timor and domestically that could potentially cause worse problems for capitalism. Some people believed the intervention was about safeguarding lives and democracy, but if that was so, Howard would intervene in many areas of the world. Lenin in Socialism and War (1915) takes up the question of how socialists should view war and military intervention by capitalist governments. Here are some extracts.
"Socialists have always condemned wars between nations as barbarous and brutal. Our attitude towards war, however, is fundamentally different from that of the bourgeois pacifists...We understand that wars cannot be abolished unless classes are abolished and socialism is created; we also (see) wars waged by wage-workers against the bourgeoisie as fully legitimate, progressive and necessary.
"War is the continuation of politics by other (ie violent) means. This most famous dictum was uttered by Clausewitz. It was from this viewpoint that Marx and Engels always regarded the various wars."
Lenin then goes on to exposing the lies of the capitalists who hide their imperialist motivations behind talk of "protecting small countries", "defending democracy" and so on.
"The German imperialists have brazenly violated the neutrality of Belgium. Let us suppose that all states should declare war on Germany with the demand that Belgium be liberated. In that case, the sympathies of socialists would, of course, be with Germany's enemies. (This quote was used by the DSP to justify their support for Australian troops entering East Timor, they didn't quote the next sentences however-Editor).
"But the whole point is that the Triple (and Quadruple) Entente is waging war, not over Belgium: this is common knowledge and only hypocrites will disguise the fact (Lenin's emphasis).
"...Social Chauvinists (those who are socialist in words, chauvinist in deeds-Editor) reiterate the bourgeois deception of the people that the war is being waged to protect the freedom and existence of nations, thereby taking sides with the bourgeoisie against the proletariat."
On wars between colonial countries and the imperialist powers: "If tomorrow Morocco were to declare war on France, or India on Britain, or Persia or China on Russia, and so on, there would be 'just', and 'defensive' wars, irrespective of who would be the first to attack; any socialist would wish the oppressed, dependent and unequal states victory over the oppressor, slave-holding and predatory 'Great' Powers."
Further reading
*Lenin: Socialism and War-$2
*Lenin: Against Imperialist War (a collection of Lenin's writings on the question)-$2.95
*MSO pamphlets from the East Timor crisis
All available from the Socialist Party